EiT V2.0
 coming soon

Teacher Jobs in Taiwan 教學職缺 Teachers Available 外籍教師人才庫 Personals Buy/Sell/Trade Housing/Transport

Teaching in Taiwan Teacher Resources Lesson Plans Classroom Games English Reference

Living in Taiwan Getting Around Entertainment Taipei 101

Scooter Rental & Repair Services

Bike Farm Bravobar F.A.S.T Taichung F.A.S.T Tainan Truman

Link Directory

Finga's

page 1 │ page 2 │ page 3 │ page 4 │ page 5 │ page 6 │ page 7 │ page 8

5.0 Taiwan’s Changing Food-Ways

5.1 Gastronomic Influences

Inevitably, occupying forces introduce their own special brands of culture to the vanquished, and Taiwan would appear to be no stranger to outside interference. The markers of cultural assimilation through the forced occupation or colonization of a country such as Taiwan are realised through a number of societal changes, including language, food and religious tradition. The book of Daniel, in the Bible, provides details of King Nebuchadnezzar’s blueprint for the colonisation of foreign lands, a plan that is as relevant today as it was then.

Taiwan today appears to show little evidence of the Dutch period of occupation and even less of the earlier Portuguese domination, although cultural hybridization of all things Japanese on the island of Taiwan is quite another story, as was made apparent by Ku Ming Chun’s thesis on “Transnational Cultural Consumption”. In his study paper he quaintly termed the Taiwanese penchant for “Japanese-ness” in many of the things they did as, “people with a Japanese soul in a Chinese body.”

Japanese policy guidelines pertaining to their rule and occupation of the island of Taiwan from 1895 to 1945 differed greatly from that of the Dutch and the Portuguese periods of domination of Taiwan. In the case of the seventeenth-century occupation of Taiwan by the Dutch, policy details emphasized the areas of trade and immediate financial gain (to the

occupiers) as opposed to the Japanese view of establishing political sovereignty over and within Taiwan.

The political framework for Taiwanese occupation provided the Japanese rulers of the time the momentum to implement legislation within the parameters of established foreign policy (for the dominant power), hence the willingness of the Japanese to invest culturally in the island.

The Japanese set about developing Taiwan as an agricultural base in order to support the industrial home land and to provide living space for (Japanese) immigrants from an increasingly overpopulated home country.

According to Sun Yu Yun, the 50-year reign of Japanese sovereignty in Taiwan can be separated in to three periods:

The first stage of the Japanese occupancy from 1895~1918, involved the establishment of administrative mechanisms and the suppression of local Chinese resistance to Japanese rule. Control of currency, the standardisation of measurement and the monopolisation of the control of manufactured goods followed the introduction of strict police controls. It was during this first phase that the Japanese authorities began to collect census data, and commenced an ethnological study of the island’s indigenous people.

During the second stage of Japanese occupancy of Taiwan (1918~1937), Japan introduced compulsory Japanese education (language) and subsequently focused on the cultural assimilation of all things Japanese.

The final period of Japan’s colonization of Taiwan (1937~1945) saw the naturalization of Taiwanese residents as Japanese citizens, the citizens of Taiwan being forced to adopt Japanese names, wear Japanese-style clothing, eat Japanese food and observe Japanese religious rites.

The Japanese recognition of the importance of transportation to Taiwan’s economy and to future south-east Asian expansion led to the development of steamship lines, improved harbours, and the building of island-wide highways and of a north-south railroad network. Many Japanese sugar plantation owners contributed to the national railroad system by building private lines and connecting them to the existing main trunk lines. The Japanese rail system became the lifeline of Taiwan’s farming community, strengthening Taiwan’s agriculture. By the end of Japanese rule the island boasted 4600 km of government and private lines.

The Taiwanese population of today reflect upon the period of Japanese rule with, to some extent a sense of gratitude, although many did suffer substantially under a harsh regime. Japanese ideology, culture and fashion are very much alive in Taiwan today and there appears to be a genuine respect amongst the Taiwanese for all things Japanese, first with the older generation, and which then filters down to all tiers of Taiwan society.

Oddly, from the personal observation of this researcher, there appears to be currently present precious few remnants of the Dutch period of occupation over Taiwan, this researcher speculating that this may have arisen from the Dutch direction of foreign policy at the time. The Dutch saw Taiwan as a cash cow, while the Japanese viewed Taiwan as a pawn in a greater Asian game.

The levels of commitment by the key players in the dominating regime showed the Japanese, albeit cunningly, invested more in the island of Taiwan than simply raping the land. For reasons only the Taiwanese can explain, the Japanese somehow appeared to win the respect of the Taiwanese people at the time.

As a legacy of this period of Japanese occupation of Taiwan, there appears to exist today four separate areas of Japanese (occupied-associated) culinary assimilation on the island of Taiwan.

5.2 Authentic Japanese in Taiwan (Foods)

Taiwan is home to many authentic Japanese restaurants, whether supported by the hospitality industry (e.g. hotels) or privately owned the majority of international hotel chains present on the island and that cater to Japanese foreign residents and tourists, recruiting Japanese chefs skilled in the art of the preparation of traditional Japanese cuisine, and tending to rely upon the direct importation of Japanese foodstuffs.

Authentic Japanese foodstuffs are readily available in nearly all major cities in Taiwan, with most urban areas appearing to support retail outlets specialising in the sale of imported Japanese foodstuffs.

5.3 Fashionable Japan-ised Cuisine

The Japanese, being such habitual tinkerers, have Japan-ised many foreign dishes, adjusting and perfecting the “borrowed cuisine” to suit their own particular taste, a peculiarity also shared by the French. Of the many dishes in Taiwan that can be traced to Japanese culinary heritage, and that were in turn, borrowed from their countries of origin by Japan, two such dishes demand to be mentioned; (a) Ramen noodles (b) the Japanese style yellow meat enriched fruit and vegetable curry.

The yellow Japan curry is a dish borrowed from the north of India and (dare it be suggested) re-arranged to the point of culinary stupor. The Japan-ised version of this Indian regional favourite is a far cry from its original form, yet from this researcher’s personal observation, Japanese style curries, apparently enjoyed in both Japan and Taiwan.

Ramen noodles, the traditional staple of Japanese construction workers, now woos the rich and famous. Noodle shops, roadside stands and swanky eateries, all lay claims to a bowl of the best. Ramen noodles are not an authentic Japanese culinary creation, but another cultural hybrid, borrowed from China and perfected in Japan. It is now a popular meal choice with the Taiwanese. This relatively simple meal of hand-pulled wheat noodles

 in a meat-based broth, enriched with squid, scallions, and dried fish commands an almost cult-like following from faithful consumers throughout Taiwan.

5.4 Taiwanisation of a Japanese Classic

The culinary assimilation of the Japanese bento box as the Taiwanese bian dang is seen, these days, by the Taiwanese public as a (Japanese) food icon, symbolic of all things Japanese. The bian dang, which roughly translates as convenient package, was introduced as the food system of choice in the Japanese colonial era (ca 1895~1945) and was popularised during the development of Taiwan’s rail system.The boxed lunch, (bian dang), a landmark of the Taiwan rail service, consisted of rice, meat, stir-fried leafy greens and an egg, often supplemented with pickled vegetables (pers. observ.). Peanuts, green chillies and/or salted dried river fish rounded out the contents and constitute a valuable source of nutrition.

The Taiwanisation of the original bento box developed through the use of the ingredients of the former bento box, complete with Japanese culinary technique whilst combining the classic Taiwanese/Fujianese condiments of a traditional, soy based poaching liquid laced with sugar. The traditional Japanese bento box style tonkatsu, is an escalope of pork or chicken, breaded, deep fried and presented sliced on a portion of steamed rice with the appropriate garnishes of pickles and vegetables. The Taiwanese bian dang is a renovated copy ofthe original bento box tonkatsu of which the escalope of pork or chicken is braised in the aforementioned poaching liquid until tender, and then served in exactly the same manner as its Japanese forerunner.

A break-down of today’s nostalgic bian dang is the Taiwan-ised version of the Japanese bento box. The introduction of the original Japanese bento box on to Taiwan’s rail roads created a momentum that today reflects a meal that is now enjoyed by a large proportion of the Taiwanese workforce as an inexpensive, convenient and nutritious daily meal.

5.5 Japanese ingredients in the Taiwanese Diet

The fourth category of Japanese gastronomic influence upon the Taiwanese diet highlights the use of purely Japanese ingredients used by the Taiwanese in the production of locally produced dishes. To date, to the best knowledge of the author, no work has yet been published pertaining to the changes in Chinese food-ways in Taiwan and exploring the natural fusion of people, history and “place” in the context of the Taiwanese diet, although the work of Chua Beng Huat and Ananda Rajah entitled Hybridity, Ethnicity and Food in Singapore does attempt to investigate a similar scenario when the Fujian immigrants settled on the Malaysian peninsula.

The incorporation of Japanese ingredients in traditional Taiwanese food-habits would appear to be subtle. The researcher takes, as a broad frame of empirical reference, the natural fusion of Japanese ingredients and their usage in the preparation of commonly consumed Taiwanese traditional foods, such as miso paste.

The most common Japanese culinary import used in the production of traditional Taiwanese foodstuffs apparent to date is miso paste. Miso paste is a pungent fermented condiment made from the soybean. Aside from the popular miso-shiro soup, the Taiwanese use Japanese miso paste, together with oyster sauce and sugar as a “lacquer” coating when grilling fish.

Another example of Japanese food culture assimilation within Taiwan is witnessed through the ubiquitous use of the pickled radish (takuan) Known as the “pickle with crunch”, (takuan) is sun-dried before salting and pickling, separating the authentic Japanese style of pickled vegetable from other Asian style pickles which are typically dry cured with salt prior to poaching in vinegar and sugar.

To date, and to the best knowledge of the researcher, the use of miso as an ingredient in the preparation of Chinese regional cuisine and the inclusion of Japanese style pickles into the domestic fare is a phenomenon seen only in Taiwan.

5.6 Influence of Foreign Cuisines on Taiwanese Food-Habits

The use of the word “foreign” as opposed to “western” to classify a cuisine other than the indigenous cuisine of Taiwan is a critical aspect of this research subject, as other neighbouring cuisines of Southeast Asia and also some regional cuisines of China may well be considered foreign within Taiwanese society.

The introduction of foreign cuisines into the Taiwanese culture, and the globalisation of food-stuffs internationally, have not been lost on the Taiwanese consumer. The personal observation of this researcher would suggest that many of the Taiwanese people would appear to have embraced the new-style cuisines with gusto.

6.0 Determining the Dimensions of Change  

Time and history has a knack of laying up spaces within the confines of all cities, as a kind of dormant zone. Often these sleepy areas are gentrified by the introduction of a new restaurant, art supply shop, independent theatre or coffee shop. While business is sluggish, rents remain typically low, allowing other restless entrepreneurs to breathe new life into the area and generate more traffic. Currently, several areas throughout the urban centres of Taiwan have sprung up, all with similar characteristics. However, for the purpose of this study proposal the author will focus on the most prominent areas that being the residential area surrounding Yung-Kang park, Taipei.

The writer of the article “Recipe for Success” in the July issue of the Taiwan Review wrote, “the Yung-Kang community epitomizes the nation’s changing eating habits.”

Kao further explains that, “the area in and around this community boasts so much variety it is hard to imagine that the majority of these eateries are only recent arrivals on the island.” Having personally visited the region after reading the Kao article, the researcher can confirm that, with the exception of Taiwanese, regional Chinese and Japanese foods, Yung-Kang Park and its environs are home to a slew of foreign food choices. The list includes, French, German, Italian, Greek, Thai, Korean and the giants of franchise glory: McDonald’s, Pizza Hut, KFC and the ubiquitous Starbucks coffee chain.

On the island of Taiwan, Yung Kang Park may serve as a microcosm of the burgeoning restaurant scene throughout greater Taiwan. The list is but a short list of the truth. Taiwan today has seen an explosion of ethnic restaurants with ethnic cuisines deriving from, Turkey, Chile, Mexico, Spain, Brazil, Italy and the Australian outback (pers. observ.). Shaded under the umbrella of nationally recognised cuisines is included, the American gastro-train of Dan Ryan’s, Chilli’s, T.G.I.F, Lawries Prime Rib, Ruths Chris Steak house, and Swensons, all of which aim to cater for the increasingly affluent Taiwanese consumer.

 6.1 Taiwan’s Lazy Susan

The Chinese love affair with an abundantly blessed table is legendary. The “lazy Susan” and the image this Chinese gastronomic icon invokes can provide a uniquely Chinese platform from which one can observe the complexities of change in Taiwan’s contemporary culinary landscape.

The “lazy Susan” as referred to by the researcher, is the raised cylindrical platform placed in the centre of the dining table and most often used in Chinese restaurants to provide the guest easier access to a greater range of (typically) self-serve food.

To the uninformed, the arena of the Chinese domestic table appears set in the midst of total chaos, with the minimum of order and reason provided through the use of the “lazy Susan”. From the humble home-cooked meal to the heights of prestigious banquets, the choice, number and variety of dishes that complete a meal is symbolic of tradition or the occasion for which the meal was to be provided. Roland Barthes, in his work relating to the psycho-sociology of contemporary food consumption argued, “Food is not only a collection of products that can be used for statistical and nutritional studies. It is also, and at the same time, a system of communication, a body of images, a protocol of usages, situations and behaviour.” 

In the movie “Eat, Drink, Man, Woman”, the use of food as a medium of communication appears to be wonderfully portrayed by the director, Ang Lee. The father figure, an accomplished chef, endeavours to win back his children’s respect by preparing lavish feasts, not realising that the world has changed and that the lavish banquets of yesteryear were inappropriate for the times, and were way “out of sync” with his daughters’ daily lives.

The items presented in the lazy Susan and the changes in the (typical) available food-stuffs, brought about through time and circumstance cast a picture of food in time. Just as the family’s tastes and mealtimes change with the years, so too, it would appear, does a nation’s food-habits. If one can perhaps fit together the diverse culinary spheres of a nation and assign each one a dish on the broader lazy Susan of industry, it should provide a platform from which the roadmap of a nation’s culinary journey can be monitored.

6.2 The Restaurant Scene

Anderson contends that, “it is an integral part of Chinese culture, to conduct business and or entertain outside with food.

In view of this prominent aspect of Chinese/Taiwanese culture, it is not unreasonable to suggest that the “culture of entertaining” in Taiwanese society is one of the vehicles of change in today’s evolving food-habits.

The consumer pressure on the food industry in Taiwan and the handful of operators pushing for variety and change on a consistent basis, would appear to have been the driving force for the opening of the “gastronomic door” to the proliferation of restaurants supplying a cuisine other than that of local or regional Chinese character.

Of particular interest to the researcher is the influx of Chinese regional cuisines to Taiwan in the late 1970’s as Davison (1998) was right to observe. The regional cuisines of China, from areas other than the Fujian region were alien to the people of Taiwan, as were their traditional foodstuffs hailed from the gastronomic heritage of Fujian, on the south-east coast of Mainland China. For this reason, the cuisines of Peking duck, Shanghai noodles, and steamed breads (man-tou) from the north of the Yangtze River, (as the writer, Kao, from the Taiwan Review expressed) “quickly became facilitators for the cuisines from other foreign lands.”

It is important to note, however, that local interest towards regional Chinese cuisine has become marginalised somewhat subsequent to when the “liberalisation era” of Taiwan politics having been introduced. Furthermore, the rise to power of the Taiwanese-led Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) has only encouraged a rejection of Mainland Chinese culture, especially amongst Taiwan’s youth.

6.3 Why Ethnic?

One might ask the questions; why are there so many different cuisines (in Taiwan), and can a country realistically support such variety? This is not New York: Taiwan is not a melting pot of ethnic migration, or is it? Certainly, there are restaurants that command an audience outside of the Taiwanese community. For example, the American drugstores of the 1950’s that supplied the U.S. military with hot dogs, hamburgers and pie a la mode or the three stools on the side of the road selling a taste of home to the Thai construction workers (in Taiwan) make sense, but what about the restaurants selling Turkish food or Lebanese? What role do these semi-obscure global cuisines play in the Taiwanese arena?